Thanks for Making Me Red Again Mandarin Chinese

Major branch of Chinese spoken across most of northern and southwestern China

This article is about the entire group of Mandarin Chinese language varieties. For Mandarin, the official diversity, see Standard Chinese. For the administrative language of China during the Ming and Qing dynasties, meet Mandarin (late imperial lingua franca).

Mandarin
官話 / 官话 Guānhuà
Guānhuà (Mandarin) written in Chinese characters (simplified Chinese on the left, traditional Chinese on the right)
Region	most of Northern and Southwestern China (run across also Standard Chinese)
Native speakers	920 one thousand thousand (2017)[1] L2 speakers: 200 million (no date)[i]
Linguistic communication family unit	Sino-Tibetan Sinitic Mandarin
Early forms	Erstwhile Chinese Middle Chinese Old Standard mandarin
Standard forms	Standard Mandarin (Putonghua, Guoyu)
Dialects	Northeastern Beijing Ji–Lu Jiao–Liao Lower Yangtze Key Plains Lan–Yin Southwestern Jin (sometimes a split group) Huizhou (disputed) Dungan
Writing arrangement	Chinese characters (Simplified, Traditional) Mainland Chinese Braille Taiwanese Braille Two-Cell Chinese Braille Transcriptions: Pinyin (Latin) Zhuyin Xiao'erjing (Arabic) Dungan (Cyrillic)
Signed forms	Wenfa Shouyu[ii]
Official status
Official language in	China Singapore Taiwan
Language codes
ISO 639-three	cmn
Glottolog	mand1415
Linguasphere	79-AAA-b
Mandarin surface area in Red china as of 1987, including Sichuanese, Lower Yangtze and (in light dark-green) Jin, which are arguably carve up languages
Countries where Mandarin is spoken as L1 or L2  Majority native language  Statutory or de facto national working language  More than ane,000,000 speakers  More than than 500,000 speakers  More than 100,000 speakers
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Mandarin Chinese
Simplified Chinese	官话
Traditional Chinese	官話
Literal meaning	Officials' oral communication
Transcriptions Standard Standard mandarin Hanyu Pinyin Guānhuà Bopomofo ㄍㄨㄢ ㄏㄨㄚˋ Wade–Giles Kuanane-huaiv Yue: Cantonese Yale Romanization Gūnwá
Northern Chinese
Simplified Chinese	北方话
Traditional Chinese	北方話
Literal significant	Northern spoken language
Transcriptions Standard Mandarin Hanyu Pinyin Běifānghuà Bopomofo ㄅㄟˇㄈㄤ ㄏㄨㄚˋ Wade–Giles Pei3-fang1-hua4 Yue: Cantonese Yale Romanization Bākfōngwá

Mandarin (; simplified Chinese: 官话; traditional Chinese: 官話; pinyin: Guānhuà ; lit. 'speech of officials') is a group of Sinitic (Chinese) languages natively spoken across most of northern and southwestern Cathay. The group includes the Beijing dialect, the ground of the phonology of Standard Chinese. Because Mandarin originated in Due north China and most Mandarin dialects are found in the north, the group is sometimes referred to as Northern Chinese (simplified Chinese: 北方话; traditional Chinese: 北方話; pinyin: Běifānghuà ; lit. 'northern speech'). Many varieties of Mandarin, such every bit those of the Southwest (including Sichuanese) and the Lower Yangtze, are not mutually intelligible or are only partially intelligible with the standard linguistic communication. Nevertheless, Mandarin is often placed first in lists of languages past number of native speakers (with near a billion).

Mandarin is by far the largest of the seven or ten Chinese dialect groups, spoken by 70 percent of all Chinese speakers over a large geographical expanse, stretching from Yunnan in the southwest to Xinjiang in the northwest and Heilongjiang in the northeast. This is generally attributed to the greater ease of travel and advice in the Due north China Obviously compared to the more mountainous s, combined with the relatively recent spread of Mandarin to frontier areas.

Near Standard mandarin varieties have four tones. The terminal stops of Middle Chinese accept disappeared in near of these varieties, but some have merged them every bit a final glottal stop. Many Mandarin varieties, including the Beijing dialect, retain retroflex initial consonants, which have been lost in southern varieties of Chinese.

The Chinese capital has been within the Mandarin-speaking expanse for most of the last millennium, making these dialects very influential. Some grade of Mandarin has served as a lingua franca for government officials and the courts since the 14th century.^[3] By the early 20th century, a standard class based on the Beijing dialect, with elements from other Mandarin dialects, was adopted as the national language. Standard Mandarin Chinese is the official language of the People's Democracy of China^[four] and Taiwan,^[5] as well equally one of the iv official languages of Singapore. It is too used as one of the official languages of the United nations.^[6] Recent increased migration from Mandarin-speaking regions of China and Taiwan has at present resulted in the language existence one of the more than often used varieties of Chinese among Chinese diaspora communities. It is also the almost commonly taught Chinese diverseness.

Name [edit]

The English give-and-take "mandarin" (from Portuguese mandarim, from Malay menteri, from Sanskrit mantrī, mantrin, meaning 'minister or counsellor') originally meant an official of the Ming and Qing empires.^{[7] [8] [a]} Since their native varieties were frequently mutually unintelligible, these officials communicated using a Koiné linguistic communication based on diverse northern varieties. When Jesuit missionaries learned this standard language in the 16th century, they called it "Mandarin", from its Chinese proper name Guānhuà ( 官话/官話 ) or 'language of the officials'.^[10]

In everyday English language, "Mandarin" refers to Standard Chinese, which is frequently called just "Chinese". Standard Standard mandarin Chinese is based on Beijing dialect, with some lexical and syntactic influence from other Mandarin dialects. It is the official spoken language of the People's Democracy of China (Cathay) and Taiwan (Republic of China, ROC), every bit well as ane of the 4 official languages of Singapore. It also functions equally the language of pedagogy in Red china and Taiwan. It is one of the 6 official languages of the Un, nether the name "Chinese". Chinese speakers refer to the modern standard language as

• Pǔtōnghuà ( 普通话/普通話 , literally 'common oral communication') in Mainland People's republic of china,
• Guóyǔ ( 国语/國語 , literally 'national language') in Taiwan or
• Huáyǔ ( 华语/華語 , literally 'Hua (Chinese) linguistic communication') in Malaysia and Singapore,

but not as Guānhuà.^[3]

Linguists utilize the term "Mandarin" to refer to the diverse group of dialects spoken in northern and southwestern Prc, which Chinese linguists call Guānhuà. The alternative term Běifānghuà ( 北方话/北方話 ) or "Northern dialects", is used less and less amidst Chinese linguists. By extension, the term "Erstwhile Mandarin" or "Early Mandarin" is used by linguists to refer to the northern dialects recorded in materials from the Yuan dynasty.

Native speakers who are non bookish linguists may not recognize that the variants they speak are classified in linguistics as members of "Standard mandarin" (or so-called "Northern dialects") in a broader sense. Inside Chinese social or cultural discourse, in that location is non a common "Mandarin" identity based on language; rather, there are potent regional identities centred on individual dialects because of the wide geographical distribution and cultural multifariousness of their speakers. Speakers of forms of Mandarin other than the standard typically refer to the diverseness they speak past a geographic name—for example the Sichuan dialect and the Hebei dialect or Northeastern dialect, all beingness regarded every bit distinct from the standard language, with which they may non share much mutual intelligibility.

History [edit]

The hundreds of mod local varieties of Chinese adult from regional variants of Former Chinese and Middle Chinese. Traditionally, seven major groups of dialects have been recognized. Aside from Standard mandarin, the other six are Wu, Gan, and Xiang in cardinal China and Min, Hakka, and Yue on the southeast declension.^[11] The Linguistic communication Atlas of China (1987) distinguishes three further groups: Jin (divide from Mandarin), Huizhou in the Huizhou region of Anhui and Zhejiang, and Pinghua in Guangxi and Yunnan.^{[12] [13]}

Old Standard mandarin [edit]

A folio of the Menggu Ziyun, roofing the syllables tsim to lim

After the fall of the Northern Song (959–1126) and during the reign of the Jin (1115–1234) and Yuan (Mongol) dynasties in northern Communist china, a mutual form of voice communication developed based on the dialects of the North China Manifestly around the capital, a language referred to as Sometime Mandarin. New genres of vernacular literature were based on this language, including verse, drama and story forms, such equally the qu and sanqu poetry.^[14]

The rhyming conventions of the new verse were codified in a rime dictionary called the Zhongyuan Yinyun (1324). A radical departure from the rime table tradition that had evolved over the previous centuries, this dictionary contains a wealth of information on the phonology of One-time Mandarin. Farther sources are the 'Phags-pa script based on the Tibetan alphabet, which was used to write several of the languages of the Mongol empire, including Chinese and the Menggu Ziyun, a rime dictionary based on 'Phags-pa. The rime books differ in some details, just overall show many of the features characteristic of modern Mandarin dialects, such as the reduction and disappearance of last plosives and the reorganization of the Middle Chinese tones.^[15]

In Middle Chinese, initial stops and affricates showed a three-fashion contrast between tenuis, voiceless aspirated and voiced consonants. At that place were four tones, with the fourth or "entering tone", a checked tone comprising syllables ending in plosives (-p, -t or -thousand). Syllables with voiced initials tended to be pronounced with a lower pitch and by the late Tang dynasty, each of the tones had split into two registers conditioned by the initials. When voicing was lost in all languages except the Wu subfamily, this stardom became phonemic and the system of initials and tones was rearranged differently in each of the major groups.^[16]

The Zhongyuan Yinyun shows the typical Mandarin four-tone system resulting from a split of the "fifty-fifty" tone and loss of the inbound tone, with its syllables distributed across the other tones (though their different origin is marked in the lexicon). Similarly, voiced plosives and affricates have become voiceless aspirates in the "even" tone and voiceless non-aspirates in others, another distinctive Standard mandarin development. However, the language notwithstanding retained a final -m, which has merged with -n in modernistic dialects and initial voiced fricatives. It also retained the distinction betwixt velars and alveolar sibilants in palatal environments, which afterwards merged in most Standard mandarin dialects to yield a palatal serial (rendered j-, q- and x- in pinyin).^[17]

The flourishing vernacular literature of the period as well shows distinctively Mandarin vocabulary and syntax, though some, such as the third-person pronoun tā (他), can exist traced back to the Tang dynasty.^[xviii]

Colloquial literature [edit]

Until the early 20th century, formal writing and even much poetry and fiction was done in Literary Chinese, which was modeled on the classics of the Warring States flow and the Han dynasty. Over time, the various spoken varieties diverged greatly from Literary Chinese, which was learned and composed every bit a special language. Preserved from the sound changes that afflicted the diverse spoken varieties, its economy of expression was greatly valued. For example, 翼 (yì, "wing") is unambiguous in written Chinese, but has over 75 homophones in Standard Chinese.

The literary language was less appropriate for recording materials that were meant to be reproduced in oral presentations, materials such equally plays and grist for the professional story-teller'due south mill. From at to the lowest degree the Yuan dynasty plays that recounted the subversive tales of China'southward Robin Hoods to the Ming dynasty novels such as H2o Margin, on downwardly to the Qing dynasty novel Dream of the Reddish Chamber and across, there developed a literature in written colloquial Chinese (白話/白话, báihuà). In many cases, this written language reflected Mandarin varieties and since pronunciation differences were not conveyed in this written form, this tradition had a unifying force beyond all the Mandarin-speaking regions and beyond.^[19]

Hu Shih, a pivotal figure of the first half of the twentieth century, wrote an influential and perceptive study of this literary tradition, entitled Báihuà Wénxuéshǐ ("A History of Vernacular Literature").

Koiné of the Late Empire [edit]

Zhongguo Guanhua (中國官話), or Medii Regni Communis Loquela ("Middle Kingdom's Mutual Speech"), used on the frontispiece of an early Chinese grammar published past Étienne Fourmont (with Arcadio Huang) in 1742^[20]

The Chinese accept different languages in different provinces, to such an extent that they cannot sympathise each other.... [They] too take another linguistic communication which is like a universal and common language; this is the official language of the mandarins and of the court; it is among them like Latin among ourselves.... Two of our fathers [Michele Ruggieri and Matteo Ricci] have been learning this mandarin language...
— Alessandro Valignano, Historia del principio y progresso de la Compañía de Jesús en las Indias Orientales, I:28 (1542–1564)^[21]

Until the mid-20th century, about Chinese people living in many parts of South China spoke only their local diversity. As a practical mensurate, officials of the Ming and Qing dynasties carried out the administration of the empire using a common linguistic communication based on Mandarin varieties, known as Guānhuà. Noesis of this language was thus essential for an official career, only information technology was never formally defined.^[3]

Officials varied widely in their pronunciation; in 1728, the Yongzheng Emperor, unable to understand the accents of officials from Guangdong and Fujian, issued a decree requiring the governors of those provinces to provide for the educational activity of proper pronunciation. Although the resulting Academies for Correct Pronunciation (正音書院; Zhèngyīn Shūyuàn ) were brusque-lived, the prescript did spawn a number of textbooks that give some insight into the ideal pronunciation. Mutual features included:

• loss of the Centre Chinese voiced initials except for v-
• merger of -m finals with -n
• the feature Mandarin four-tone system in open up syllables, but retaining a final glottal stop in "inbound tone" syllables
• memory of the distinction betwixt palatalized velars and dental affricates, the source of the spellings "Peking" and "Tientsin" for modern "Beijing" and "Tianjin".^[22]

As the final two of these features indicate, this linguistic communication was a koiné based on dialects spoken in the Nanjing area, though not identical to any single dialect.^[23] This form remained prestigious long after the capital moved to Beijing in 1421, though the speech of the new capital letter emerged as a rival standard. As late as 1815, Robert Morrison based the first English language–Chinese dictionary on this koiné equally the standard of the time, though he conceded that the Beijing dialect was gaining in influence.^[24] By the eye of the 19th century, the Beijing dialect had become ascendant and was essential for any business concern with the purple court.^[25]

Standard Standard mandarin Chinese [edit]

The variant of Mandarin as spoken past educated classes in Beijing was fabricated the official language of China by the Qing dynasty in the early on 1900s and the successive Republican authorities. In the early years of the Republic of China, intellectuals of the New Culture Movement, such as Hu Shih and Chen Duxiu, successfully campaigned for the replacement of Literary Chinese as the written standard by written vernacular Chinese, which was based on northern dialects. A parallel priority was the definition of a standard national language (traditional Chinese: 國語; simplified Chinese: 国语; pinyin: Guóyǔ ; Wade–Giles: Kuo²-yü³ ). Afterwards much dispute between proponents of northern and southern dialects and an abortive attempt at an artificial pronunciation, the National Language Unification Commission finally settled on the Beijing dialect in 1932. The People'southward Republic, founded in 1949, retained this standard, calling it pǔtōnghuà (simplified Chinese: 普通话; traditional Chinese: 普通話; lit. 'common voice communication').^[26] Some 54% of speakers of Standard mandarin varieties could understand the standard language in the early 1950s, rising to 91% in 1984. Nationally, the proportion understanding the standard rose from 41% to ninety% over the aforementioned flow.^[27]

This standard language is at present used in education, the media, and formal occasions in both Mainland China and Taiwan, likewise as among the Chinese customs of Singapore. However in other parts of the Chinese-speaking earth, namely Hong Kong and Macau, the standard form of Chinese used in education, the media, formal spoken communication, and everyday life remains the local Cantonese because of their colonial and linguistic history. While Mandarin is at present the medium of pedagogy in schools throughout China, it still has even so to gain traction as a common language among the local population in areas where Mandarin dialects are not native.^[28] In these regions, people may be either diglossic or speak the standard language with a notable accent. Notwithstanding since the 21st century, in that location has been an effort of mass education in Standard Mandarin Chinese and discouragement of local language usage by the Chinese government in order to erase these regional differences.^[29]

From an official indicate of view, the mainland Chinese and the Taiwanese governments maintain their own forms of the standard under different names. Technically, both Pǔtōnghuà and Guóyǔ base their phonology on the Beijing accent, though Pǔtōnghuà too takes some elements from other sources. Comparing of dictionaries produced in the two areas will show that at that place are few substantial differences. All the same, both versions of "school-standard" Chinese are frequently quite different from the Mandarin varieties that are spoken in accordance with regional habits, and neither is wholly identical to the Beijing dialect. Pǔtōnghuà and Guóyǔ as well have some differences from the Beijing dialect in vocabulary, grammer, and pragmatics.

The written forms of Standard Chinese are also essentially equivalent, although simplified characters are used in people's republic of china and Singapore, while traditional characters remain in use in Taiwan, Hong Kong, and Macau. Overseas communities also tend to employ traditional Chinese characters, although younger generations in Malaysia increasingly use simplified characters due to influence from Singapore and china.^[xxx]

Geographic distribution [edit]

China [edit]

Nearly Han Chinese living in northern and southwestern China are native speakers of a dialect of Mandarin. The Due north China Manifestly provided few barriers to migration, leading to relative linguistic homogeneity over a wide area in northern Communist china. In contrast, the mountains and rivers of southern People's republic of china have spawned the other vi major groups of Chinese varieties, with great internal diversity, particularly in Fujian.^{[31] [32]}

However, the varieties of Mandarin embrace a huge area containing nearly a billion people. Every bit a issue, there are pronounced regional variations in pronunciation, vocabulary, and grammar,^[33] and many Mandarin varieties are not mutually intelligible.^[b]

Virtually of northeastern Prc, except for Liaoning, did non receive pregnant settlements by Han Chinese until the 18th century,^[39] and equally a consequence the Northeastern Mandarin dialects spoken there differ little from the Beijing dialect.^[40] The Manchu people of the expanse at present speak these dialects exclusively; their native language is just maintained in northwestern Xinjiang, where Xibe, a modern dialect, is spoken.^[41]

The frontier areas of Northwest China were colonized past speakers of Standard mandarin dialects at the same time, and the dialects in those areas similarly closely resemble their relatives in the core Mandarin surface area.^[40] The Southwest was settled early on, but the population fell dramatically for obscure reasons in the 13th century, and did non recover until the 17th century.^[40] The dialects in this area are now relatively uniform.^[42] However, long-established cities fifty-fifty very close to Beijing, such every bit Tianjin, Baoding, Shenyang, and Dalian, take markedly different dialects.

While Standard Mandarin was adopted equally China's official language in the early 1900s, local languages connected to be dominant in their respective regions until the institution of the People'southward Commonwealth in 1949 and its promotion of this standard variant.^[43] Starting in the Cultural Revolution and intensifying afterwards, the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) has adopted a language policy that pushes for the usage of Mandarin at the expense of other Chinese varieties, including the prohibition of their use in most public settings.^{[44] [ folio needed ]} Equally a result, Mandarin is now widespread throughout the country, including in regions where the language is not native.

This language policy has proven to be largely successful, with over fourscore% of the Chinese population being able to speak Standard Mandarin as of 2020.^[45] Still, despite active discouragement by the CCP, local Chinese and other ethnic languages keep to exist the primary medium of advice in daily life in a handful of regions, nigh notably Guangdong (where Cantonese predominates) and Tibet.^{[46] [47]} Elsewhere in Cathay, Standard mandarin has heavily influenced local languages through diglossia or in some cases, replaced them entirely (particularly among younger generations in urban areas).^[48] The Chinese government's current goal is to have 85% of China speak Standard Mandarin by 2025 and for virtually the unabridged country to speak the language past 2035.^[49]

Unlike their compatriots on the southeast coast, few Mandarin speakers engaged in overseas emigration until the belatedly 20th century, merely at that place are now significant communities of them in cities across the globe.^[42]

Taiwan [edit]

Standard mandarin is the official language of Taiwan. The Taiwanese standard of Mandarin differs very fiddling from that of mainland Cathay, with differences largely in some technical vocabulary adult from the 1950s onwards.^[fifty]

Mandarin started to become widely spoken in Taiwan following the Kuomintang'due south relocation and influx of refugees from the mainland at the end of the Chinese Civil War in 1949. At the time Taiwanese Hokkien, and to a lesser extent Hakka, were the Chinese languages used among the local Han Chinese population, while the Formosan languages were natively spoken by many Ancient populations. These languages were heavily discouraged from utilize throughout the martial law menstruum from 1949 to 1987, resulting in Mandarin replacing Taiwanese as the lingua franca.^[51] Starting in the 2000s, the Taiwanese government has fabricated efforts to recognize these local languages and they are at present present in public spheres such equally media and education, although Standard mandarin remains the common language.^[52]

While the spoken standard of Taiwanese Standard mandarin is nearly identical to that of mainland Communist china, the colloquial grade has been heavily influenced by other local languages, especially Taiwanese. Notable differences include: the merger of retroflex sounds (zh, ch, sh, r) with the alveolar series (z, c, s), frequent mergers of the "neutral tone" with a discussion's original tone, and absence of erhua.^[53] Code-switching between Mandarin and Taiwanese Hokkien is common, every bit the majority of the population continues to also speak the latter equally a native linguistic communication.^[54]

Southeast Asia [edit]

Singapore [edit]

Standard mandarin is i of the four official languages of Singapore along with English, Malay, and Tamil. Historically, it was seldom used past the Chinese Singaporean community, which primarily spoke the Southern Chinese languages of Hokkien, Teochew, Cantonese, or Hakka.^[55] The launch of the Speak Mandarin Entrada in 1979 by the authorities prioritized the language over traditional vernaculars in an attempt to create a common indigenous language and foster closer connections to China.^[56] This has led to a significant increase and presence of Mandarin usage in the state, coupled with a strong pass up in usage of other Chinese variants.

Standard Singaporean Mandarin is nearly identical to the standards of People's republic of china and Taiwan, with minor vocabulary differences. It is the Mandarin variant used in education, media, and official settings. Meanwhile, a colloquial form called Singdarin is used in informal daily life and is heavily influenced in terms of both grammar and vocabulary by local languages such as Cantonese, Hokkien, and Malay. Instances of code-switching with English, Hokkien, Cantonese, Malay, or a combination of any of these is likewise common.

Malaysia [edit]

In Malaysia, Standard mandarin has been adopted by local Chinese-linguistic communication schools as the medium of instruction with the standard based on that of Singapore. Even so, it is non equally widespread in daily life among the Malaysian Chinese community, as Hokkien speakers continue to form a plurality amid the ethnic Chinese population and Cantonese serves equally the common language (particularly in commerce and local media).^[57] An exception is in the state of Johor, where Mandarin is increasingly used alongside Cantonese equally a lingua franca in part due to Singaporean influence.^[58] As in Singapore, the local vernacular variant of Mandarin exhibits influences from Cantonese and Malay.

Myanmar [edit]

In northern Myanmar, a Southwestern Mandarin variant close to the Yunnanese dialect is spoken by local Chinese and other ethnic groups. In some insubordinate group-controlled regions, Mandarin as well serves as the lingua franca.^[59]

Subgroups [edit]

The classification of Chinese dialects evolved during the 20th century, and many points remain unsettled. Early classifications tended to follow provincial boundaries or major geographical features.^[61]

In 1936, Wang Li produced the first classification based on phonetic criteria, principally the evolution of Eye Chinese voiced initials. His Mandarin grouping included dialects of northern and southwestern Communist china, also equally those of Hunan and northern Jiangxi.^[62] Li Fang-Kuei'south classification of 1937 distinguished the latter 2 groups equally Xiang and Gan, while splitting the remaining Mandarin dialects between Northern, Lower Yangtze and Southwestern Mandarin groups.^[63]

The widely accustomed seven-group nomenclature of Yuan Jiahua in 1960 kept Xiang and Gan separate, with Standard mandarin divided into Northern, Northwestern, Southwestern and Jiang–Huai (Lower Yangtze) subgroups.^{[64] [65]} Of Yuan's iv Standard mandarin subgroups, the Northwestern dialects are the most diverse, particularly in the province of Shanxi.^[42] The linguist Li Rong proposed that the northwestern dialects of Shanxi and neighbouring areas that retain a last glottal stop in the Center Chinese entering tone (plosive-final) category should constitute a separate top-level group called Jin.^[66] He used this classification in the Language Atlas of People's republic of china (1987).^[12] Many other linguists continue to include these dialects in the Mandarin group, pointing out that the Lower Yangtze dialects also retain the glottal stop.^{[67] [68]}

The southern boundary of the Mandarin area, with the key Wu, Gan and Xiang groups, is weakly divers due to centuries of diffusion of northern features. Many border varieties have a mixture of features that brand them difficult to allocate. The boundary between Southwestern Standard mandarin and Xiang is specially weak,^[69] and in many early on classifications the ii were not separated.^[seventy] Zhou Zhenhe and You Rujie include the New Xiang dialects inside Southwestern Mandarin, treating only the more conservative Former Xiang dialects as a dissever group.^[71] The Huizhou dialects accept features of both Mandarin and Wu, and take been assigned to 1 or other of these groups or treated as separate past various authors. Li Rong and the Language Atlas of China treated it as a separate top-level group, but this remains controversial.^{[72] [73]}

The Linguistic communication Atlas of People's republic of china calls the remainder of Mandarin a "supergroup", divided into eight dialect groups distinguished by their handling of the Middle Chinese inbound tone (see Tones below):^{[74] [c]}

• Northeastern Mandarin (98 million), spoken in Manchuria except the Liaodong Peninsula.^[76] This dialect is closely related to Standard Chinese, with little variation in lexicon and very few tonal differences.
• Beijing Standard mandarin (27 one thousand thousand), spoken in Beijing and environs such as Chengde and northern Hebei, as well every bit some areas of recent large-calibration clearing, such every bit northern Xinjiang.^[77] The Beijing dialect forms the ground of Standard Chinese. This classification is controversial, every bit a number of researchers view Beijing and Northeastern Mandarin as a single dialect grouping.^[78]
• Jilu Mandarin (89 million), spoken in Hebei ("Ji") and Shandong ("Lu") provinces except the Shandong Peninsula, as well as in few counties of Heilongjiang, due to migration. Includes Tianjin dialect.^[79] Tones and vocabulary are markedly different. In general, there is substantial intelligibility with Beijing Mandarin.
• Jiaoliao Mandarin (35 1000000), spoken in Shandong (Jiaodong) and Liaodong Peninsulas, also equally in few counties of Heilongjiang, due to migration.^[eighty] Very noticeable tonal changes, different in "flavor" from Ji–Lu Standard mandarin, but with more variance. At that place is moderate intelligibility with Beijing.
• Central Plains Mandarin (186 million), spoken in Henan province, the fundamental parts of Shaanxi in the Xanthous River valley, eastern Gansu, as well as southern Xinjiang, due to recent migration.^[81] There are significant phonological differences, with partial intelligibility with Beijing. The Dungan linguistic communication spoken in Republic of kazakhstan and Kyrgyzstan belongs to this grouping. Dungan speakers such as the poet Iasyr Shivaza have reported being understood by speakers of the Beijing dialect, but non vice versa.^[82]
• Lanyin Mandarin (17 million), spoken in central and western Gansu province (with capital Lanzhou) and Ningxia autonomous region (with capital Yinchuan), as well equally northern Xinjiang.^[83]
• Lower Yangtze Mandarin (or Jiang–Huai, 86 million), spoken in the parts of Jiangsu and Anhui on the north bank of the Yangtze, every bit well as some areas on the south banking concern, such as Nanjing in Jiangsu, Jiujiang in Jiangxi, etc.^[84] There are significant phonological and lexical changes to varying degrees, and intelligibility with Beijing is limited. Lower Yangtze Standard mandarin has been significantly influenced by Wu Chinese.
• Southwestern Mandarin (260 one thousand thousand), spoken in the provinces of Hubei, Sichuan, Guizhou, Yunnan, and the Mandarin-speaking areas of Hunan, Guangxi and southern Shaanxi.^[85] There are sharp phonological, lexical, and tonal changes, and intelligibility with Beijing is limited to varying degrees.^{[36] [37]}

The Atlas too includes several unclassified Standard mandarin dialects spoken in scattered pockets across southeastern China, such as Nanping in Fujian and Dongfang on Hainan.^[86] Another Mandarin variety of uncertain nomenclature is apparently Gyami, recorded in the 19th century in the Tibetan foothills, who the Chinese evidently did non recognize equally Chinese.^[87]

Phonology [edit]

A syllable consists maximally of an initial consonant, a medial glide, a vowel, a coda, and tone. In the traditional assay, the medial, vowel and coda are combined every bit a terminal.^[88] Not all combinations occur. For case, Standard Chinese (based on the Beijing dialect) has virtually 1,200 singled-out syllables.^[89]

Phonological features that are more often than not shared past the Standard mandarin dialects include:

• the palatalization of velar consonants and alveolar sibilants when they occur earlier palatal glides;
• one syllable contains maximum four phonemes (maximum three vowels and no consonant cluster)
• the disappearance of terminal stop consonants and /-m/ (although in many Lower Yangtze Mandarin and Jin Chinese dialects, an echo of the concluding stops is preserved equally a glottal stop);
• the presence of retroflex consonants (although these are absent in many Southwestern and Northeastern Mandarin dialects);
• the historical devoicing of stops and sibilants (too common to most non-Mandarin varieties).

Initials [edit]

The maximal inventory of initials of a Mandarin dialect is as follows, with bracketed pinyin spellings given for those present in the standard language:^[xc]

	Labial	Upmost	Retroflex	Palatal	Velar
Stops	/p/ ⟨b⟩	/t/ ⟨d⟩			/grand/ ⟨g⟩
	/pʰ/ ⟨p⟩	/tʰ/ ⟨t⟩			/kʰ/ ⟨k⟩
Nasals	/one thousand/ ⟨m⟩	/northward/ ⟨n⟩			/ŋ/
Affricates		/t͡s/ ⟨z⟩	/ʈ͡ʂ/ ⟨zh⟩	/t͡ɕ/ ⟨j⟩
		/t͡sʰ/ ⟨c⟩	/ʈ͡ʂʰ/ ⟨ch⟩	/t͡ɕʰ/ ⟨q⟩
Fricatives	/f/ ⟨f⟩	/s/ ⟨s⟩	/ʂ/ ⟨sh⟩	/ɕ/ ⟨x⟩	/x/ ⟨h⟩
Sonorants	/w/ ⟨w⟩	/50/ ⟨l⟩	/ɻ ~ ʐ/ ⟨r⟩	/j/ ⟨y⟩

• Well-nigh Mandarin-speaking areas distinguish between the retroflex initials /ʈʂ ʈʂʰ ʂ/ from the upmost sibilants /ts tsʰ due south/, though they often take a different distribution than in the standard language. In most dialects of the southeast and southwest the retroflex initials have merged with the alveolar sibilants, so that zhi becomes zi, chi becomes ci, and shi becomes si.^[91]
• The alveolo-palatal sibilants /tɕ tɕʰ ɕ/ are the event of merger between the historical palatalized velars /kj kʰj xj/ and palatalized alveolar sibilants /tsj tsʰj sj/.^[91] In almost 20% of dialects, the alveolar sibilants did not palatalize, remaining separate from the alveolo-palatal initials. (The unique pronunciation used in Peking opera falls into this category.) On the other side, in some dialects of eastern Shandong, the velar initials did not undergo palatalization.
• Many southwestern Mandarin dialects mix /f/ and /xw/, substituting one for the other in some or all cases.^[92] For example, fei /fei/ "to fly" and hui /xwei/ "gray" may exist merged in these areas.
• In some dialects, initial /fifty/ and /n/ are not distinguished. In Southwestern Mandarin, these sounds unremarkably merge to /n/; in Lower Yangtze Standard mandarin, they commonly merge to /l/.^[92]
• People in many Mandarin-speaking areas may use different initial sounds where Beijing uses initial r- /ɻ/. Common variants include /j/, /l/, /due north/ and /westward/.^[91]
• Some dialects take initial /ŋ/ respective to the goose egg initial of the standard language.^[91] This initial is the upshot of a merger of the Center Chinese zero initial with /ŋ/ and /ʔ/.
• Many dialects of Northwestern and Central Plains Mandarin have /pf pfʰ f 5/ where Beijing has /tʂw tʂʰw ʂw ɻw/.^[91] Examples include /pfu/ "pig" for standard zhū 豬 /tʂu/, /fei/ "water" for standard shuǐ 水 /ʂwei/, /vã/ "soft" for standard ruǎn 軟 /ɻwan/.

Finals [edit]

Most Mandarin dialects have 3 medial glides, /j/, /w/ and /ɥ/ (spelled i, u and ü in pinyin), though their incidence varies. The medial /w/, is lost after upmost initials in several areas.^[91] Thus Southwestern Standard mandarin has /tei/ "correct" where the standard language has dui /twei/. Southwestern Mandarin as well has /kai kʰai xai/ in some words where the standard has jie qie xie /tɕjɛ tɕʰjɛ ɕjɛ/. This is a stereotypical feature of southwestern Mandarin, since it is so hands noticeable. Eastward.g. hai "shoe" for standard xie, gai "street" for standard jie.

Standard mandarin dialects typically have relatively few vowels. Syllabic fricatives, as in standard zi and zhi, are common in Mandarin dialects, though they too occur elsewhere.^[93] The Middle Chinese off-glides /j/ and /w/ are generally preserved in Mandarin dialects, yielding several diphthongs and triphthongs in contrast to the larger sets of monophthongs common in other dialect groups (and some widely scattered Standard mandarin dialects).^[93]

The Middle Chinese coda /one thousand/ was still nowadays in Old Mandarin, but has merged with /n/ in the mod dialects.^[91] In some areas (specially the southwest) concluding /ŋ/ has besides merged with /north/. This is specially prevalent in the rhyme pairs -en/-eng /ən əŋ/ and -in/-ing /in iŋ/. As a result, jīn "gold" and jīng "uppercase" merge in those dialects.

The Middle Chinese terminal stops take undergone a variety of developments in different Mandarin dialects (meet Tones below). In Lower Yangtze dialects and some north-western dialects they have merged every bit a final glottal stop. In other dialects they have been lost, with varying effects on the vowel.^[91] Every bit a consequence, Beijing Standard mandarin and Northeastern Mandarin underwent more vowel mergers than many other varieties of Mandarin. For example:

Character	Significant	Standard (Beijing)		Beijing, Harbin Colloquial	Jinan (Ji–Lu)	Xi'an (Central Plains)	Chengdu (Southwestern)	Yangzhou (Lower Yangtze)	Middle Chinese Reconstructed
		Pinyin	IPA
课	lesson	kè	kʰɤ	kʰɤ	kʰə	kʰwo	kʰo	kʰo	kʰɑ
客	guest			tɕʰie [d]	kʰei	kʰei	kʰe	kʰəʔ	kʰɰak
果	fruit	guǒ	kwo	kwo	kwə	kwo	ko	ko	kwɑ
国	country	guó				kwei	kwe	kɔʔ	kwək

R-coloring, a feature feature of Mandarin, works quite differently in the southwest. Whereas Beijing dialect more often than not removes only a concluding /j/ or /n/ when calculation the rhotic terminal -r /ɻ/, in the southwest the -r replaces nearly the entire rhyme.

Tones [edit]

The four principal tones of Mandarin, pronounced with the syllable ma.

In general, no two Mandarin-speaking areas have exactly the same set of tone values, but about Mandarin-speaking areas accept very similar tone distribution. For case, the dialects of Jinan, Chengdu, Xi'an and and so on all have four tones that correspond quite well to the Beijing dialect tones of [˥] (55), [˧˥] (35), [˨˩˦] (214), and [˥˩] (51). The exception to this rule lies in the distribution of syllables formerly catastrophe in a terminate consonant, which are treated differently in different dialects of Mandarin.^[94]

Centre Chinese stops and affricates had a three-manner distinction between tenuis, voiceless aspirate and voiced (or breathy voiced) consonants. In Mandarin dialects the voicing is more often than not lost, yielding voiceless aspirates in syllables with a Middle Chinese level tone and non-aspirates in other syllables.^[42] Of the four tones of Center Chinese, the level, rising and departing tones have also adult into four modern tones in a uniform fashion across Mandarin dialects; the Center Chinese level tone has dissever into two registers, conditioned on voicing of the Centre Chinese initial, while ascension tone syllables with voiced obstruent initials have shifted to the parting tone.^[95] The following examples from the standard linguistic communication illustrate the regular development mutual to Mandarin dialects (think that pinyin d denotes a non-aspirate /t/, while t denotes an aspirate /tʰ/):

Reflexes of Centre Chinese initials and tones in modern Mandarin

Middle Chinese tone	"level tone" (píng 平)				"rising tone" (shǎng 上)				"parting tone" (qù 去)
Example	丹	灘	蘭	彈	亶	坦	懶	但	旦	炭	爛	彈
Middle Chinese	tan	tʰan	lan	dan	tan	tʰan	lan	dan	tan	tʰan	lan	dan
Standard Chinese	dān	tān	lán	tán	dǎn	tǎn	lǎn	dàn		tàn	làn	dàn
Modern Mandarin tone	1 (yīn píng)		2 (yáng píng)		3 (shǎng)			four (qù)

In traditional Chinese phonology, syllables that ended in a stop in Center Chinese (i.due east. /p/, /t/ or /1000/) were considered to vest to a special category known equally the "inbound tone". These final stops have disappeared in most Mandarin dialects, with the syllables distributed over the other four mod tones in different means in the diverse Mandarin subgroups.

In the Beijing dialect that underlies the standard linguistic communication, syllables beginning with original voiceless consonants were redistributed beyond the four tones in a completely random design.^[96] For example, the three characters 积脊迹, all tsjek in Center Chinese (William H. Baxter's transcription), are now pronounced jī, jǐ and jì respectively. Older dictionaries such as Mathews' Chinese-English Dictionary mark characters whose pronunciation formerly ended with a stop with a superscript 5; yet, this tone number is more than commonly used for syllables that always accept a neutral tone (run into below).

In Lower Yangtze dialects, a minority of Southwestern dialects (due east.k. Minjiang) and Jin Chinese (sometimes considered non-Mandarin), quondam final stops were not deleted entirely, but were reduced to a glottal stop /ʔ/.^[96] (This includes the dialect of Nanjing on which the Postal Romanization was based; information technology transcribes the glottal stop equally a trailing h.) This development is shared with Wu Chinese and is thought to represent the pronunciation of Old Mandarin. In line with traditional Chinese phonology, dialects such every bit Lower Yangtze and Minjiang are thus said to have five tones instead of four. Even so, modernistic linguistics considers these syllables every bit having no phonemic tone at all.

Reflexes of the Middle Chinese inbound tone in Standard mandarin dialects^[97]

subgroup	Eye Chinese initial
	voiceless	voiced sonorant	voiced obstruent
Beijing	1,3,four	4	2
Northeastern
Jiao–Liao	3
Ji–Lu	1
Central Plains	1
Lan–Yin	4
Southwestern	2
Lower Yangtze	marked with final glottal stop (rù)

Although the system of tones is mutual beyond Mandarin dialects, their realization as tone contours varies widely:^[98]

Phonetic realization of Mandarin tones in principal dialects

Tone name		one (yīn píng)	2 (yáng píng)	3 (shǎng)	4 (qù)	marked with glottal stop (rù)
Beijing	Beijing	˥ (55)	˧˥ (35)	˨˩˦ (214)	˥˩ (51)
Northeastern	Harbin	˦ (44)	˨˦ (24)	˨˩˧ (213)	˥˨ (52)
Jiao–Liao	Yantai	˧˩ (31)	(˥ (55))	˨˩˦ (214)	˥ (55)
Ji–Lu	Tianjin	˨˩ (21)	˧˥ (35)	˩˩˧ (113)	˥˧ (53)
	Shijiazhuang	˨˧ (23)	˥˧ (53)	˥ (55)	˧˩ (31)
Key Plains	Zhengzhou	˨˦ (24)	˦˨ (42)	˥˧ (53)	˧˩˨ (312)
	Luoyang	˧˦ (34)	˦˨ (42)	˥˦ (54)	˧˩ (31)
	Xi'an	˨˩ (21)	˨˦ (24)	˥˧ (53)	˦ (44)
	Tianshui	˩˧ (13)		˥˧ (53)	˦ (44)
Lan–Yin	Lanzhou	˧˩ (31)	˥˧ (53)	˧ (33)	˨˦ (24)
	Yinchuan	˦ (44)	˥˧ (53)		˩˧ (13)
Southwestern	Chengdu	˦ (44)	˨˩ (21)	˥˧ (53)	˨˩˧ (213)
	Xichang	˧ (33)	˥˨ (52)	˦˥ (45)	˨˩˧ (213)	˧˩ʔ (31)
	Kunming	˦ (44)	˧˩ (31)	˥˧ (53)	˨˩˨ (212)
	Wuhan	˥ (55)	˨˩˧ (213)	˦˨ (42)	˧˥ (35)
	Liuzhou	˦ (44)	˧˩ (31)	˥˧ (53)	˨˦ (24)
Lower Yangtze	Yangzhou	˧˩ (31)	˧˥ (35)	˦˨ (42)	˥ (55)	˥ʔ (five)
	Nantong	˨˩ (21)	˧˥ (35)	˥ (55)	˦˨ (42), ˨˩˧ (213)*	˦ʔ (4), ˥ʔ (v)*

* Dialects in and around the Nantong area typically accept many more than 4 tones, due to influence from the neighbouring Wu dialects.

Mandarin dialects ofttimes utilise neutral tones in the second syllables of words, creating syllables whose tone contour is then short and calorie-free that it is difficult or impossible to discriminate. These atonal syllables also occur in non-Mandarin dialects, merely in many southern dialects the tones of all syllables are made articulate.^[96]

Vocabulary [edit]

In that location are more than polysyllabic words in Standard mandarin than in all other major varieties of Chinese except Shanghainese^{[ commendation needed ]}. This is partly because Standard mandarin has undergone many more sound changes than accept southern varieties of Chinese, and has needed to deal with many more than homophones. New words have been formed by adding affixes such every bit lao- ( 老 ), -zi ( 子 ), -(e)r ( 儿 / 兒 ), and -tou ( 头 / 頭 ), or past compounding, e.k. by combining two words of similar meaning equally in cōngmáng ( 匆忙 ), made from elements meaning "hurried" and "busy". A distinctive feature of southwestern Mandarin is its frequent use of noun reduplication, which is hardly used in Beijing. In Sichuan, one hears bāobāo ( 包包 ) "handbag" where Beijing uses bāo'r ( 包儿 ). There are too a small number of words that have been polysyllabic since Former Chinese, such as húdié (蝴蝶) "butterfly".

The singular pronouns in Mandarin are wǒ (我) "I", nǐ (你 or 妳) "yous", nín (您) "you (formal)", and tā (他, 她 or 它/牠) "he/she/it", with - men (们/ 們 ) added for the plural. Further, there is a stardom between the plural first-person pronoun zánmen (咱们/ 咱們 ), which is inclusive of the listener, and wǒmen (我们/ 我們 ), which may be exclusive of the listener. Dialects of Mandarin agree with each other quite consistently on these pronouns. While the first and second person singular pronouns are cognate with forms in other varieties of Chinese, the rest of the pronominal system is a Standard mandarin innovation (e.grand., Shanghainese has non 侬/ 儂 "y'all" and yi 伊 "he/she").^[99]

Because of contact with Mongolian and Manchurian peoples, Mandarin (especially the Northeastern varieties) has some loanwords from these languages not present in other varieties of Chinese, such equally hútòng ( 胡同 ) "alley". Southern Chinese varieties accept borrowed from Tai,^[100] Austroasiatic,^[101] and Austronesian languages.

There are as well many Chinese words which come from foreign languages such as gāo'ěrfū ( 高尔夫 ) from golf; bǐjīní ( 比基尼 ) from bikini; hànbǎo bāo ( 汉堡包 ) from hamburger.

In general, the greatest variation occurs in slang, in kinship terms, in names for common crops and domesticated animals, for common verbs and adjectives, and other such everyday terms. The to the lowest degree variation occurs in "formal" vocabulary—terms dealing with science, police, or regime.

Grammar [edit]

Chinese varieties of all periods are considered prime number examples of analytic languages, relying on word order and particles instead of inflection or affixes to provide grammatical information such as person, number, tense, mood, or instance. Although modernistic varieties, including the Standard mandarin dialects, use a small number of particles in a similar fashion to suffixes, they are even so strongly analytic.^[102]

The basic word order of field of study–verb–object is mutual across Chinese dialects, just there are variations in the order of the two objects of ditransitive sentences. In northern dialects the indirect object precedes the straight object (as in English), for example in the Standard Chinese judgement:

我 给 你 一本 书

wǒ gěi nǐ yìběn shū

I give you {i-CLF} book

In southern dialects, equally well as many southwestern and Lower Yangtze dialects, the objects occur in the reverse order.^{[103] [104]}

Most varieties of Chinese use post-verbal particles to indicate aspect, just the particles used vary. Most Mandarin dialects apply the particle -le (了) to indicate the perfective attribute and -zhe (着/著) for the progressive aspect. Other Chinese varieties tend to use different particles, due east.g. Cantonese zo² 咗 and gan² 紧/緊 respectively. The experiential attribute particle -guo (过/過) is used more widely, except in Southern Min.^[105]

The subordinative particle de (的) is characteristic of Mandarin dialects.^[106] Some southern dialects, and a few Lower Yangtze dialects, preserve an older blueprint of subordination without a mark particle, while in others a classifier fulfils the role of the Mandarin particle.^[107]

Peculiarly in conversational Chinese, judgement-final particles change the inherent meaning of a sentence. Like much vocabulary, particles can vary a nifty deal with regards to the locale. For example, the particle ma (嘛), which is used in well-nigh northern dialects to announce obviousness or contention, is replaced by yo (哟) in southern usage.

Some characters in Mandarin tin can be combined with others to signal a particular meaning simply like prefix and suffix in English. For example, the suffix -er which means the person who is doing the action, e.k. teacher, person who teaches. In Standard mandarin the character 師 has the aforementioned function, it is combined with 教, which ways teach, to class the discussion teacher.

List of several common Chinese prefixes and suffixes:

Braze	Pronunciation	Meaning	Example	Meaning of Example
-們[们]	men	plural for man nouns, same as -s, -es	學生們 [学生们]、朋友們 [朋友们]	students, friends
可-	kě	same as -able	可信、可笑、可靠	trusty, laughable, reliable
重-	chóng	same as re-(again)	重做、重建、重新	redo, rebuild, renew
第-	dì	aforementioned every bit -thursday, -st, -nd	第二、第一	2nd, first
老-	lǎo	old, or show respect to a certain type of person	老頭[老头]、老闆[老板]、老師[老师]	old man; boss, teacher
-化	huà	aforementioned as -ize, -en	公式化、制度化、強化	officialize, systemize, strengthen
-家	jiā	same every bit -er or expert	作家、科學家[科学家]、藝術家[艺术家]	writer, scientist, artist
-性	xìng	same every bit -ness,_ -ability	可靠性、實用性[实用性]、可理解性	reliability, usability, understandability
-鬼	guǐ	normally used in a disparaging way similar to –aholic	煙鬼、酒鬼、胆小鬼	smoker, alcoholic, coward
-匠	jiàng	a technician in a sure field	花匠、油漆匠、木匠	gardener, painter, carpenter
-迷	mí	an enthusiast	戲迷[戏迷]、球迷、歌迷	theater fan, sports fan, groupie of a musician
-師 [师]	shī	suffix for occupations	教師[教师]、厨師[厨师]、律師[律师]	teacher, cook/chef, lawyer

Encounter as well [edit]

• Chinese lexicon
• Transcription into Chinese characters
• Written Chinese
• Languages of China
• List of varieties of Chinese
• Linguistic Atlas of Chinese Dialects
• List of languages past number of native speakers

Notes [edit]

1. ^ A folk etymology deriving the name from Mǎn dà rén (满大人; 滿大人; 'Manchu large man') is without foundation.^[ix]
2. ^ For example:
   • In the early on 1950s, only 54% of people in the Mandarin-speaking surface area could understand Standard Chinese, which was based on the Beijing dialect.^[34]
   • "Hence we see that even Mandarin includes inside it an unspecified number of languages, very few of which have ever been reduced to writing, that are mutually unintelligible."^[35]
   • "the common term assigned past linguists to this grouping of languages implies a certain homogeneity which is more likely to exist related to the sociopolitical context than to linguistic reality, since most of those varieties are non mutually intelligible."^[36]
   • "A speaker of only standard Standard mandarin might take a week or two to comprehend fifty-fifty unproblematic Kunminghua with ease—so only if willing to learn information technology."^[37]
   • "without prior exposure, speakers of different Standard mandarin dialects oftentimes have considerable difficulty agreement each other's local colloquial even if they come up from the same province, provided that two or more than singled-out groups of Standard mandarin are spoken therein. In some cases, mutual intelligibility is non guaranteed even if the Mandarin dialects concerned belong to the same group and are spoken within the same province. Equally reported past a native speaker of the Zhenjiang dialect (a Jianghuai (Lower Yangtze) Standard mandarin dialect spoken in the Jiangsu province), it is impossible for her to sympathize the Nantong dialect (another Jianghuai Mandarin dialect spoken around 140 kilometers away in the aforementioned province)."^[38]
3. ^ Speaker numbers are rounded to the nearest million from figures in the revised edition of the Language Atlas of Prc.
4. ^ The development is purely due to the preservation of an early glide which later became /j/ and triggered patalization, and does not indicate the absenteeism of a vowel merger.

References [edit]

Citations [edit]

1. ^ ^{a b} Standard mandarin at Ethnologue (22nd ed., 2019)
2. ^ 台灣手語簡介 (Taiwan) (2009)
3. ^ ^{a b c} Norman (1988), p. 136.
4. ^ "Law of the People'south Republic of Red china on the Standard Spoken and Written Chinese Language (Society of the President No.37)". Chinese Government. 31 October 2000. Retrieved 28 March 2017. For purposes of this Law, the standard spoken and written Chinese language means Putonghua (a mutual spoken language with pronunciation based on the Beijing dialect) and the standardized Chinese characters.
5. ^ "ROC Vital Data". Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Democracy of China (Taiwan). 31 December 2014. Retrieved 28 March 2017.
6. ^ 《人民日报》评论员文章：说普通话 用规范字. www.gov.cn (in Chinese). Retrieved 2017-07-26 .
7. ^ China in the Sixteenth Century: The Journals of Mathew Ricci.
8. ^ "standard mandarin", Shorter Oxford English Lexicon. Vol. ane (6th ed.). Oxford University Printing. 2007. ISBN978-0-xix-920687-2.
9. ^ Razfar & Rumenapp (2013), p. 293.
10. ^ Coblin (2000), p. 537.
11. ^ Norman (1988), p. 181.
12. ^ ^{a b} Wurm et al. (1987).
13. ^ Kurpaska (2010), pp. 55–56.
14. ^ Norman (1988), pp. 48–49.
15. ^ Norman (1988), pp. 49–51.
16. ^ Norman (1988), pp. 34–36, 52–54.
17. ^ Norman (1988), pp. 49–fifty.
18. ^ Norman (1988), pp. 111–132.
19. ^ Ramsey (1987), p. 10.
20. ^ Fourmont, Etienne (1742). Linguae Sinarum Mandarinicae hieroglyphicae grammatica duplex, latinè, & cum characteribus Sinensium.
21. ^ Coblin (2000), p. 539.
22. ^ Kaske (2008), pp. 48–52.
23. ^ Coblin (2003), p. 353.
24. ^ Morrison, Robert (1815). A lexicon of the Chinese language: in three parts, Volume ane. P.P. Thoms. p. 10. OCLC 680482801.
25. ^ Coblin (2000), pp. 540–541.
26. ^ Ramsey (1987), pp. 3–fifteen.
27. ^ Chen (1999), pp. 27–28.
28. ^ Zhang & Yang (2004).
29. ^ Wong, Wing. The Slow Death of China's Dialects, McGill International Review, 21 February 2019.
30. ^ Wang (2012). sfnp fault: no target: CITEREFWang2012 (help)
31. ^ Norman (1988), pp. 183–190.
32. ^ Ramsey (1987), p. 22.
33. ^ Szeto, Ansaldo & Matthews (2018).
34. ^ Chen (1999), p. 27.
35. ^ Mair (1991), p. 18.
36. ^ ^{a b} Escure (1997), p. 144.
37. ^ ^{a b} Blum (2001), p. 27.
38. ^ Szeto, Ansaldo & Matthews (2018), pp. 241–242.
39. ^ Richards (2003), pp. 138–139.
40. ^ ^{a b c} Ramsey (1987), p. 21.
41. ^ Ramsey (1987), pp. 215–216.
42. ^ ^{a b c d} Norman (1988), p. 191.
43. ^ Coblin (2000), pp. 549–550.
44. ^ Spolsky, Bernard (December 2014). "Language management in the People's Republic of People's republic of china" (PDF). Linguistic Society of America. 90: 165.
45. ^ "Over eighty percent of Chinese population speak Mandarin - People'due south Daily Online". en.people.cn . Retrieved 2021-12-22 .
46. ^ Muysken, Pieter (2008). From Linguistic Areas to Areal Linguistics . John Benjamins Publishing. pp. 226, 227.
47. ^ Elliot Sperling, "Exile and Dissent: The Historical and Cultural Context", in TIBET SINCE 1950: SILENCE, PRISON, OR EXILE 31–36 (Melissa Harris & Sydney Jones eds., 2000).
48. ^ Zuo, Xinyi (2020-12-16). "Effects of Means of Advice on the Preservation of Shanghai Dialect". Proceedings of the 2020 3rd International Briefing on Humanities Pedagogy and Social Sciences (ICHESS 2020). Atlantis Printing. pp. 56–59. doi:10.2991/assehr.grand.201214.465. ISBN978-94-6239-301-i. S2CID 234515573.
49. ^ "China says 85% of citizens will use Mandarin by 2025". ABC News . Retrieved 2021-12-22 .
50. ^ Yao, Qian (September 2014). "Analysis of Computer Terminology Translation Differences betwixt Taiwan and Mainland China". Avant-garde Materials Research. 1030–1032: 1650–1652. doi:ten.4028/world wide web.scientific.cyberspace/AMR.1030-1032.1650. S2CID 136508776.
51. ^ Scott & Tiun 2007, p. 57. sfn mistake: no target: CITEREFScottTiun2007 (help)
52. ^ Hubbs, Elizabeth. "Taiwan linguistic communication-in-didactics policy: social, cultural and practical implications". Arizona Working Papers in SLA & Teaching. 20: 76–95.
53. ^ Chen (1999), p. 47.
54. ^ Chiu, Miao-mentum (April 2012). "Code-switching and Identity Constructions in Taiwan Television Commercials" (PDF). Monumenta Taiwanica. 5 . Retrieved 24 May 2020.
55. ^ Leong Koon Chan. "Envisioning Chinese Identity and Multiracialism in Singapore". Retrieved 14 February 2011.
56. ^ Lee Kuan Yew, "From 3rd World to Start: The Singapore Story: 1965–2000", HarperCollins, 2000 (ISBN 0-06-019776-5)
57. ^ Wurm, Mühlhäusler & Tryon 2011, p. 698. sfn error: no target: CITEREFWurmMühlhäuslerTryon2011 (assistance)
58. ^ Wang 2012, p. 80. sfn error: no target: CITEREFWang2012 (assist)
59. ^ Aung Thein Kha; Gerin, Roseanne (17 September 2019). "In Myanmar's Remote Mongla Region, Standard mandarin Supplants The Burmese Language". Radio Free Asia . Retrieved 31 May 2020.
60. ^ Wurm et al. (1987), Map A2.
61. ^ Kurpaska (2010), pp. 36–41.
62. ^ Kurpaska (2010), pp. 41–42.
63. ^ Kurpaska (2010), p. 49.
64. ^ Kurpaska (2010), pp. 53–54.
65. ^ Norman (1988), pp. 181, 191.
66. ^ Yan (2006), p. 61.
67. ^ Ting (1991), p. 190.
68. ^ Kurpaska (2010), pp. 55–56, 74–75.
69. ^ Norman (1988), p. 190.
70. ^ Kurpaska (2010), pp. 41–46.
71. ^ Kurpaska (2010), p. 55.
72. ^ Kurpaska (2010), pp. 75–76.
73. ^ Yan (2006), pp. 222–223.
74. ^ Kurpaska (2010), p. 75.
75. ^ Wurm et al. (1987), Map B1.
76. ^ Wurm et al. (1987), Maps B2, B5.
77. ^ 张世方 (2010). 北京官话语音研究. 北京语言大学出版社. p. 45. ISBN9787561927755.
78. ^ Wurm et al. (1987), Map B2.
79. ^ Wurm et al. (1987), Maps B1, B3.
80. ^ Wurm et al. (1987), Maps B3, B4, B5.
81. ^ Rimsky-Korsakoff Dyer (1977–78), p. 351.
82. ^ Wurm et al. (1987), Maps B4, B5.
83. ^ Wurm et al. (1987), Map B3.
84. ^ Wurm et al. (1987), Maps B4, B6.
85. ^ Kurpaska (2010), pp. 67–68.
86. ^ Mair (1990), pp. 5–half dozen.
87. ^ Norman (1988), pp. 138–139.
88. ^ Ramsey (1987), p. 41.
89. ^ Norman (1988), pp. 139–141, 192–193.
90. ^ ^{a b c d e f thousand h} Norman (1988), p. 193.
91. ^ ^{a b} Norman (1988), p. 192.
92. ^ ^{a b} Norman (1988), p. 194.
93. ^ Norman (1988), pp. 194–196.
94. ^ Norman (1988), pp. 194–195.
95. ^ ^{a b c} Norman (1988), p. 195.
96. ^ Li Rong's 1985 commodity on Mandarin classification, quoted in Yan (2006), p. 61 and Kurpaska (2010), p. 89.
97. ^ Norman (1988), pp. 195–196.
98. ^ Norman (1988), pp. 182, 195–196.
99. ^ Ramsey (1987), pp. 36–38.
100. ^ Norman, Jerry; Mei, Tsu-lin (1976). "The Austroasiatics in ancient South Communist china: some lexical evidence". Monumenta Serica. 32: 274–301. doi:10.1080/02549948.1976.11731121.
101. ^ Norman (1988), p. 10.
102. ^ Norman (1988), p. 162.
103. ^ Yue (2003), pp. 105–106.
104. ^ Yue (2003), pp. 90–93.
105. ^ Norman (1988), p. 196.
106. ^ Yue (2003), pp. 113–115.

Sources [edit]

Works cited

• Blum, Susan Debra (2001), Portraits of "primitives": Ordering homo kinds in the Chinese nation , Rowman & Littlefield, ISBN978-0-7425-0092-ane.
• Chen, Ping (1999), Modernistic Chinese: History and sociology of language , New York: Cambridge Academy Press, ISBN978-0-521-64572-0.
• Coblin, W. S (2000), "A brief history of Mandarin", Journal of the American Oriental Order, 120 (4): 537–552, doi:10.2307/606615, JSTOR 606615.
• ——— (2003), "Robert Morrison and the Phonology of Mid-Qīng Standard mandarin", Journal of the Regal Asiatic Society of Great Britain & Ireland, 13 (3): 339–355, doi:10.1017/S1356186303003134, S2CID 162258379.
• Escure, Geneviève (1997), Creole and dialect continua: standard acquisition processes in Belize and Prc (PRC), John Benjamins, ISBN978-xc-272-5240-i.
• Kaske, Elisabeth (2008), The politics of linguistic communication in Chinese pedagogy, 1895–1919, BRILL, ISBN978-ninety-04-16367-6.
• Kurpaska, Maria (2010), Chinese Linguistic communication(s): A Look Through the Prism of "The Nifty Dictionary of Modern Chinese Dialects", Walter de Gruyter, ISBN978-3-eleven-021914-ii.
• Mair, Victor H. (1990), "Who were the Gyámi?" (PDF), Sino-Platonic Papers, 18 (b): 1–8.
• ——— (1991), "What Is a Chinese "Dialect/Topolect"? Reflections on Some Fundamental Sino-English language Linguistic terms" (PDF), Sino-Platonic Papers, 29: one–31, archived from the original (PDF) on 2018-05-10, retrieved 2013-xi-xvi .
• Norman, Jerry (1988), Chinese, Cambridge University Printing, ISBN978-0-521-29653-three.
• Ramsey, S. Robert (1987), The Languages of China, Princeton University Printing, ISBN978-0-691-01468-v.
• Razfar, Aria; Rumenapp, Joseph C. (2013), Applying Linguistics in the Classroom: A Sociocultural Approach, Routledge, ISBN978-ane-136-21205-5.
• Richards, John F. (2003), The unending frontier: an ecology history of the early modern world, Academy of California Press, ISBN978-0-520-23075-0.
• Rimsky-Korsakoff Dyer, Svetlana (1977–78), "Soviet Dungan nationalism: a few comments on their origin and language", Monumenta Serica, 33: 349–362, doi:10.1080/02549948.1977.11745054, JSTOR 40726247.
• Szeto, Pui Yiu; Ansaldo, Umberto; Matthews, Stephen (2018), "Typological variation across Mandarin dialects: An areal perspective with a quantitative approach", Linguistic Typology, 22 (two): 233–275, doi:ten.1515/lingty-2018-0009, S2CID 126344099.
• Ting, Pang-Hsin (1991), "Some theoretical issues in the study of Mandarin dialects", in Wang, William S-Y. (ed.), Language and Dialects of Prc, Journal of Chinese Linguistics Monograph Series, vol. iii, Chinese Academy Press, Project on Linguistic Assay, pp. 185–234, JSTOR 23827039.
• Wurm, Stephen Adolphe; Li, Rong; Baumann, Theo; Lee, Mei Westward. (1987), Language Atlas of China, Longman, ISBN978-962-359-085-iii.
• Yan, Margaret Mian (2006), Introduction to Chinese Dialectology, LINCOM Europa, ISBN978-3-89586-629-6.
• Yue, Anne O. (2003), "Chinese dialects: grammar", in Thurgood, Graham; LaPolla, Randy J. (eds.), The Sino-Tibetan languages, Routledge, pp. 84–125, ISBN978-0-7007-1129-one.
• Zhang, Bennan; Yang, Robin R. (2004), "Putonghua education and language policy in postcolonial Hong Kong", in Zhou, Minglang (ed.), Linguistic communication policy in the People's Republic of China: theory and exercise since 1949, Kluwer Academic Publishers, pp. 143–161, ISBN978-1-4020-8038-8.

Further reading [edit]

• Baxter, William H. (2006), "Mandarin dialect phylogeny", Cahiers de Linguistique Asie Orientale, 35 (1): 71–114, doi:10.3406/clao.2006.1748.
• Dwyer, Arienne M. (1995), "From the Northwest China Sprachbund: Xúnhuà Chinese dialect data", Yuen Ren Society Treasury of Chinese Dialect Information, ane: 143–182, hdl:1808/7090.
• Novotná, Zdenka (1967), "Contributions to the Study of Loan-Words and Hybrid Words in Modern Chinese", Archiv Orientální, 35: 613–649.
• Shen Zhongwei ( 沈钟伟 ) (2011), "The origin of Standard mandarin", Journal of Chinese Linguistics, 39 (two): i–31, JSTOR 23754434.
• Chen Zhangtai ( 陈章太 ); Li Xingjian ( 李行健 ) (1996). 普通话基础方言基本词汇集 [Standard mandarin basic dialects basic words drove] (in Simplified Chinese). 语文出版社 [Languages Printing]. pp. 1–five.

Historical Western language texts [edit]

• Balfour, Frederic Henry (1883), Idiomatic Dialogues in the Peking Vernacular for the Use of Pupil, Shanghai: Offices of the North-China Herald.
• Grainger, Adam (1900), Western Mandarin: or the spoken language of western Prc, with syllabic and English indexes, Shanghai: American Presbyterian Mission Press.
• MacGillivray, Donald (1905), A Mandarin-Romanized dictionary of Chinese, Shanghai: Presbyterian Mission Printing.
• Mateer, Calvin Wilson (1906), A course of Mandarin lessons, based on idiom (revised 2nd ed.), Shanghai: American Presbyterian Mission Printing.
• Meigs, F.E. (1904), The Standard System of Mandarin Romanization: Introduction, Audio Tabular array an Syllabary, Shanghai: Educational Association of Prc.
• Meigs, F.East. (1905), The Standard Organization of Mandarin Romanization: Radical Alphabetize, Shanghai: Educational Association of Prc.
• Stent, George Carter; Hemeling, Karl (1905), A Dictionary from English to Colloquial Mandarin Chinese, Shanghai: Statistical Department of the Inspectorate General of Community.
• Whymant, A. Neville J. (1922), Colloquial Chinese (northern) (2nd ed.), London: Kegan Paul, Trench, Trubner & Company.

External links [edit]

• Tones in Mandarin Dialects : Comprehensive tone comparison charts for 523 Mandarin dialects. (Compiled by James Campbell) – Internet Archive mirror

butlinellostaid1943.blogspot.com

Source: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Mandarin_Chinese

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